INTRODUCTION
Canadian society has changed significantly over the last 60 years. Parallel changes in the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) were much slower and were usually the result of political legislative powers such as those imposed by a Royal Commission, Human Rights Tribunal, or federal court ruling. The 1970 Royal Commission on the Status of Women resulted in significant gains for women in the military, such as equivalent pensions, access to CAF college education, and the right to serve when pregnant.
1(p. 134–138) In 1989, a Human Rights Tribunal directed the CAF to eliminate employment occupational barriers and fully integrate women into the military.
2(p. 27) In 1992, a federal court ruling directed the military to cease discrimination against non-normative sexual orientations and gender expressions.
3 (p. 165) These legislative tools aided in eliminating most discriminatory military laws and policies toward women and LGBTQIA2S+ people.
The 1989 Human Rights Tribunal recognized deep-rooted and widespread prejudice against women in service, and in military culture itself, given that it granted the CAF 10 years to fully integrate women into its ranks.
2(p. 28) Yet, more than 30 years later, military culture continues to entail the objectification, subordination, and exclusion of those who differ from the quintessential soldier.
4–13 In other words, anyone who is not heterosexual, hypermasculine, white, and a man is vulnerable to experiencing discrimination and harassment in the CAF.
14(p. 104) Women, LGBTQIA2S+, and Black, Indigenous, and People of Colour (BIPOC) soldiers continue to endure discrimination.
10(p. 70),12(p. 18–20,),13(p. 81–82),15(p. 50–53) For example, the Deschamps report revealed CAF culture is inhospitiable to women and sexual minorities, and rife with sexual harassment and assault.
12(p. 86)Operation HONOUR was implemented to end sexual misconduct in the Canadian military.
16 Recent allegations of sexual misconduct at the highest level of CAF hierarchy (e.g., the former Chief of the Defence staff who launched Operation HONOUR) highlight the depth of the problem.
17–21 Callaghan argues this initiative did not address the underlying problematic aspects of military culture.
13(p. 82) Operation HONOUR ended and was denounced as indicative of the CAF’s inability to change.
19,20 Another Independent External Comprehensive Review of the Department of National Defence and the Canadian Armed Forces, headed by former Supreme Court justice the Hon. Louise Arbour, was ordered in 2021.
22 Similar to the Deschamps report, its purpose is to continue the work of eliminating sexual misconduct in the CAF.
Integration of women into the CAF
Examining changes simply in terms of the number of women in the ranks of the CAF reveals an interesting trend. In the 50 years following the 1970 Royal Commission, the CAF Regular Force saw a 650% increase in the representation of women, going from 2% to 15%. More specifically, between the 1970 Royal Commission and the 1989 Human Rights Tribunal, there was a 350% increase in the number of women in the forces, rising from 2% to 9% of all members. From 1989 to 2001, there was a 33% increase (9% to 11%), and from 2001 to 2019, the increase was 36% (11% to 15%).
23 The CAF now aims to increase the number of women in the forces by 67%, from 15% to 25% in 10 years.
24 Historically, the CAF achieved a 67% change, but over a 30-year period that included a mandated policy forcing change.
23 Is this new objective achievable, considering the complexity of change required in terms of gender equity, diversity, and inclusion (EDI) in the context of CAF culture? This snapshot of gender progression demonstrates the challenges change represents for the CAF. However, assessment of women’s integration into the CAF must go beyond the numbers; Eichler proposes that further research on the experiences of women Veterans and CAF members should draw on feminist theories and incorporate an analysis of the implications and constructions of gender roles.
25(p. 7),26(p. 686–687)Another example of inequality is the pay gap. In a quantitative analysis of CAF members’ military pay, Gouliquer found a gendered pay gap in both the officer corps and the non-commissioned member (NCM) ranks, with the largest difference affecting women officers.
27(p. 7–117) All accountable military factors did not eliminate the gender difference in pay. Given institutional resistance to change, gendered pay differences are likely to persist. Thus, despite positive policy changes, discrimination persists.
Integration of LGBTQIA2S+ soldiers into the CAF
Previous findings indicate an enduring lack of acceptance of difference underpins the institutional structures of the CAF.
10(p. 70),12(p. 18–20),28,29(p. 90) This lack of acceptance negatively affects cisgender women, LGBTQIA2S+ personnel, and ethnically and racially diverse soldiers. Often, the pronouncement that culture is slow to change is given to evoke understanding and forgiveness for institutional leaders and lack of substantive change.
30(p. 402–404),31(p. 38) Evidently, there is an understanding that informal realities (culture and attitude) do not often match official rules and policies, yet policy reforms are essential, and induce progress. However, policy reforms are not sufficient and do not change culture, as illustrated by the unresolved problems plaguing the CAF.
13(p. 73, 80–82),18,21,32 Indeed, research indicates a hypermasculine, heteronormative, cisgender, white, male soldier ideal is pervasive within the CAF, along with a belief that soldiers need to display traits embodied by this schema.
3–10,12–15,
23,33,34 For example, due to the informal policing of sexual orientation and gender expression, gay and lesbian service members feared repercussions if they were to officially come out for over 10 years after CFAO 19–20 was rescinded.
8(p. 71–72),10(p. 65–66, 68),11(p. 56–57, 60) There is a disparagement of behaviours or traits associated with femininity, non-heterosexuality, non-cisgender identity, or other non-normative identities.
Integration of BIPOC soldiers into the CAF
Acknowledging the CAF’s historical (mis)treatment of racially diverse soldiers is pertinent to contextualize the current reality.
34(p. 114, 116, 134) The CAF is what George refers to as a “white space,” where BIPOC soldiers are seen as “other,” and whiteness and hegemonic masculinity predominate.
15(p. 43, 50–51),34(p. 115) Historically, Canada discriminated against its racialized citizens, such as Chinese and Japanese Canadians, who were willing to serve during the Second World War.
35(p. 341) The premier of British Columbia during that time feared recruiting Chinese and Japanese Canadians into the military would result in “Oriental domination” in British Columbia.
35(p. 343) Regardless of citizenship or years spent in the country, Asian Canadians were socially constructed as a menace to the nation.
35(p. 343, 350)Black and Indigenous Canadians have also experienced discrimination in military recruitment policies.
36(p. 17),37(p. 9–10, 13–14) For example, during the Second World War, until 1943, the Royal Canadian Navy’s policy required recruits to be “of pure European descent and of the white race.”
37(p. 9) The Royal Canadian Air Force maintained a similar policy until 1939.
37(p. 11)Today, racism and homophobia are no longer blatantly written into the CAF’s policies the way they were in the past. George argues CAF initiatives to boost diversity have been a superficial solution to deeper problems.
15(p. 43, 53) Arguably, increasing the demographic diversity of the CAF should be accompanied by an acknowledgement of, and a willingness to change, the prevailing culture of white, heteronormative masculinity.
15(p. 51–53)Aim of this study
Sanctioned discriminatory policies against BIPOC, LGBTQIA2S+, and cisgender women soldiers no longer exist in the CAF. However, as discussed above, hypermasculine, white, colonial, heteronormative, gendered assumptions remain deeply embedded within military structures and culture, in both subtle and blatant ways. It is essential these be identified, acknowledged, and addressed if the CAF is committed to not alienating, erasing, or overlooking women, BIPOC, and LGBTQIA2S+ members. Considering the commitments made in the CAF’s diversity strategy to increase the organization’s overall diversity and inclusion by 2026,
38(p. 8–9) significant change is required. To examine the inclusivity of the Canadian military, an analysis of the Canadian Forces Morale and Welfare Services (CFMWS) national website was conducted. The CFMWS provides current and retired CAF members and their families with services and resources such as fitness programs, financial services, and educational information.
39,40The CFMWS website is intended for use by the entire military community, which comprises over 1 million people.
41 Recent initiatives from the CAF and Department of National Defence show diversity and inclusion are important to the military community and for recruitment and retention in the CAF.
42–44 The lack of diverse and unbiased pictorial representation of minorities on institutional websites and virtual media spaces is shown to exacerbate marginalization and perceptions.
45(p. 477–478),46(p. 17–18),47(p. 489) According to Rose,
46(p. xxii, 14–18, 22–23, 46) a visual methodological analysis of images highlights how images can carry and transmit meaning and messages about cultural norms. Rose also contends images can potentially do harm by reinforcing, or erasing, social categories such as race, gender, and ethnicity.
46(p. 17–18) Thus, an analysis of visual images on the CFMWS website is an informative means to elucidate the CAF’s progress.
METHODS
The authors conducted a visual methodological qualitative analysis of images from the CFMWS national website (
https://www.cafconnection.ca/). Screenshots of webpages were systematically captured and analyzed using version 12.7.0 of the qualitative analysis software NVivo 12 (QSR International Pty Ltd., Melbourne, Australia).
48 The screenshots were collected between November 2020 and April 2021. Like other quantitative or qualitative studies, the analyzed images represent a snapshot of the website during this time period and may not reflect the site as it currently exists. For more information regarding the images analyzed for this study, please contact the authors. The following themes were a priori identified from the literature: LGBTQIA2S+ representation, ambiguous identity, BIPOC representation, family relationships, gender, symbols and logos, text language, traditional norms, and who is wearing the uniform. These themes helped guide data collection and orient researchers toward the images. Given the scope of this study, not all themes yielded results. Thus, the discussion and analysis focus on LGBTQIA2S+ representation, depictions of families, and BIPOC representation.
Additionally, the authors analyzed the difference between photos based on origin (i.e., stock photos or military-generated images). Rose argues the “site of production” of images influences the meanings they convey.
46(p. 27–32) Photo credits for stock images purchased from a company read “iStock” or “Thinkstock,” whereas military-produced images usually credited “Military Family Services” (MFS) or “Combat Camera.” Although what is depicted in an image is important, knowledge about origin, or how an image was made, influences and informs the viewer.
46(p. 27) Arguably, the stock images were created for purposes that were different from military-produced photos (i.e., monetary vs. self-promotion).
RESULTS
LGBTQIA2S+ representation
Findings revealed little LGBTQIA2S+ representation on the CFMWS website. Most notable was the absence of artifacts such as LGBTQIA2S+ symbols or pride flags. Furthermore, depictions of non-heterosexual couples were located far from the main landing pages. Images of LGBTQIA2S+ couples were only visible once one navigated three layers/pages down inside the site (home> programs and services> health> healthy relationships). On the Healthy Relationships page, the dominant image is a non-white heterosexual couple. Further down the page, there were four photos with links to other pages. Two of the photos were of a lesbian and a gay couple and subtitled Tips Sheets and Supports Available to You, respectively. Both couples were interracial. Photo credits indicate both images were stock images. Neither depicted a person in a Canadian military uniform. On the Tips Sheets page, which focuses on family violence and abuse prevention, there is another photo with a link subtitled the Intimate Relationships Continuum and Chart page. This image highlights another gay couple who are white. The Intimate Relationships page provides information to help members understand healthy versus unhealthy relationships. The photo is also a stock photo and neither of the men can be visually identified as a military member.
Depictions of families
Also found on the Healthy Relationships page is a link to a page entitled Stories of Military Members and Their Families. The families featured in short videos on this page at the time of the study were all heterosexual-presenting military families and contrasted starkly with the stock photos of non-military LGBTQIA2S+ couples. All the people in the videos were white, and each video had a single family name as its caption. In these videos, the men were identifiable as military members and the women usually as civilians, although in one video both the man and woman were service members.
BIPOC representation
While white, heteronormative military family depictions were most often featured, interracial couples were also depicted. One image showed a white man wearing a Canadian military uniform with children and a woman in civilian clothing who was a Person of Colour. There were many BIPOC individuals and couples depicted but most were stock images. Thus, BIPOC representation was quite common on the site. However, no images of BIPOC members wearing a military uniform and accompanied by their families were present. Of the many images showing familial relationships where at least one parent was in uniform, the families were predominantly white and showed a man wearing a Canadian military uniform. However, at the time of the analysis, one of the rolling images on the main webpage indicated that April was the Month of the Military Child. The associated image showed three Black children sitting together and wearing CAF t-shirts.
From the main page of the CFMWS website, following the About Us link to a sub-page, there was a short, animated video about CFMWS as a social enterprise. The still image used to introduce the video shows two animated figures of women, both People of Colour. One is wearing a CAF identifiable sweatshirt. In the actual video, one animated Black woman is the only service woman depicted, and the main character dominating the video is an animated white man in a CAF army shirt.
On the Our Policies sub-page of the About Us page, there is obvious BIPOC representation. All five images for the Our Policies subsection were stock photos featuring BIPOC individuals. For example, the main image for the Conflict of Interest section shows a stock photo of a Black woman. Given the context, it is implied she is being negatively affected by a conflict of interest. Similarly, the image for the Non-Public Funds (NPF) Workplace Harassment and Violence Prevention Policy is a stock photo of two women, one Black and one white, who appear to be in a discussion with a third mostly unseen person. At the time of the study, there was no BIPOC representation in the other sub-pages of the About Us page titled Our Values, Our Leadership, and Our Strategies. These other pages contained primarily photos of CAF soldiers, all of whom were white. There was no BIPOC representation among the 10-person leadership team on the Our Leadership page, and a white hand holding a compass is located at the top of the page.
DISCUSSION
While LGBTQIA2S+ representation on the CFMWS website does exist, it is limited and located three to four clicks (or layers) away from the main page. The images of LGBTQIA2S+ couples were also associated with topics of advice, such as intimate relationships, domestic violence, and abuse. There were no images of LGBTQIA2S+ couples found in sections dealing with finances, parenting, or relocations. There were also no images of LGBTQIA2S+ couples parenting. Most notably, the pictures were usually purchased stock images. None depicted people with a Canadian military affiliation (e.g., wearing a military uniform).
Regarding military families, Spanner argues the demands of the military spousal role have not changed over decades and the CAF continues to benefit from conventional, gendered labour within military families.
49(p. 67) This analysis of the CFMWS website revealed some examples of women in uniform with children, and one example of a heterosexual couple both in uniform with a child. However, there were no examples found showing a family with a woman in uniform and a man in civilian clothing. Moreover, representations of family on the website predominantly adhered to the schema of a “Standard North American Family” — two white parents of different genders and children, all using the same family name.
50(p. 157–171) By routinely depicting a man in uniform, images symbolically promoted a traditional, patriarchal, heterosexual, cisgender CAF hierarchy and culture. Although women are pictured in uniform, they are often in nurturing roles (i.e., with children, or caring for the sick and injured).
Regarding BIPOC representation, the image for the Month of the Military Child on the landing page seemed to be a photo of actual military children. This is a positive step toward diversity and inclusion. In the animated video, while the inclusion of BIPOC women (and men) are indicators of inclusivity, the inclusion remains cursory.
34(p. 123–124, 133–134) Undercurrents of white dominant power relations also underpin the video. Furthermore, images of BIPOC people on the CFMWS website were associated with problems that needed to be solved and monitored, such as a young Black girl held by her father while a white medical technician treated her injury, rather than being associated with CAF leadership roles or positive sub-themes. Thus, BIPOC and LGBTQIA2S+ persons are depicted as needy (i.e., associated with concepts of conflict, violence, and disclosure of wrongdoing), and not fully integrated members of the CAF.
In summary, the representations of CAF members and their family constellations remain white, heterosexual, cisgender, and dominated by masculinity. The fact that stock images depicting diversity and inclusion were added is a step in the right direction. However, with different sites of production,
46(p. 27–32) they send the message that diversity is outsourced and not integral or important to the military. Arguably, diversity and inclusion render military institutions stronger and impart unique strengths.
51 For instance, the recruitment of Indigenous Peoples into the Canadian Army during the Second World War led to the formation of a unit of Cree code talkers who created a code the German Axis was unable to crack, thereby helping secure Allied intelligence.
52Whether the absent or subordinated depictions of BIPOC and LGBTQIA2S+ members and their families is inadvertent or intended is not the point. In a culture that tries to erase differences to bolster cohesion, equitable depiction and inclusion of women, BIPOC and LGBTQIA2S+ CAF members and families remains extremely challenging. Like previous findings in the context of academic recruitment,
53(p. 262–264, 275–276) the use of both stock and military photos created an illusion of inclusion and, in this case, sustains a military culture which values whiteness, men, heteronormativity, cisgender, and hypermasculinity. Diverse individuals should see themselves reflected in a realistic way and celebrated in visual media.
47(p. 482, 489–490),53(p. 278–279) While a certain type of inclusion is evident in the images analysed, strategic efforts on the part of the CAF will require further mindful analyses for unconscious biases and hegemonic expectations.
Limitations and suggestions for future research
All research, whether quantitative or qualitative, involves the subjective positioning of researchers, and analyzing images is no different.
46(p. 16, 46),53(p. 268–269) While this study examining the CFMWS website was small, the findings indicate where change, with respect to diversity and inclusion in the CAF, is needed. Future research should expand to in-depth quantitative and qualitative examinations of all CAF and CFMWS websites.
Conclusion
This article presents an informative visual qualitative analysis of images on the CFMWS national website. Given the current impetus to diversify the CAF and Department of National Defence, and the historic discrimination faced by marginalized groups in the military, an analysis of visual representations is timely. This analysis revealed limitations to how and when LGBTQIA2S+, women, and BIPOC CAF members and their families were represented. The military families pictured predominantly consisted of white men in uniform with women in civilian clothing accompanied by two children. A critical analysis of how heteronormative and cisnormative relations of power are privileged in the CAF is necessary. This analysis will require a long-term commitment to carefully examine institutional structures, practices, and culture using Gender-Based Analysis Plus,
54 critical feminist theory, critical race theory, and Indigenous approaches.