Introduction
Avoidable, or less urgent, emergency department (ED) visits are commonplace in developed countries (Carret, Fassa, and Domingues 2009). About 39 percent of Canadians reported that their ED visits could have been avoided if primary care were available (Schoen et al. 2005). Aside from contributing to overcrowding and delaying care for patients in urgent need, the use of EDs for less urgent health problems contributes to higher health care costs (Campbell et al. 2005; Mehrotra et al. 2009; Thygeson et al. 2008) and lower continuity of care, which adversely affects health outcomes, especially for patients with chronic conditions (Dunnion and Kelly 2005; Stiell et al. 2003; Vinker et al. 2004).
Primary care is publicly funded in all jurisdictions in Canada with no direct cost to the patient for physician and hospital visits. Although no direct financial cost is borne, ED visits entail long waits before a physician is seen, especially for less urgent cases. All else being equal, patients would likely prefer to be treated by their family doctor for less urgent health problems.
Reforms to primary care were introduced in the early 2000s across various jurisdictions in Canada (Gray et al. 2015; Health Canada 2007; Sweetman and Buckley 2014). Common across these reforms was a move from traditional fee-for-service (FFS) remuneration toward pay-for-performance incentives for preventive care and chronic disease management (Hutchison et al. 2011). Several new types of non-FFS primary care delivery models that feature these financial incentives have been introduced in Canada’s most populous province, Ontario, since 2004 (Hutchison et al. 2011). By 2010, more than two-thirds of Ontario’s family physicians had joined one of these models, with Family Health Organizations (FHOs) and Family Health Groups being the two most popular choices (Henry et al. 2012).
One of the goals of these new models is to reduce ED visits by increasing access to primary health care services outside of regular working hours. Each physician practicing in these new models is required to provide a minimum of one three-hour session per week either weeknights after 5:00 p.m. or on weekends or statutory holidays. In return, these physicians receive an after-hours premium, which was initially 10 percent when first introduced in 2003 and then increased to 15 percent in April 2005, 20 percent in April 2006, and 30 percent in September 2011 (Sweetman and Buckley 2014). The main goal of this article is to determine whether this policy was successful in reducing ED utilization.
Pay-for-performance schemes have been studied in several contexts in Ontario (Kantarevic and Kralj 2013; Li et al. 2014). A handful of studies examine the link between improved after-hours access to primary care and ED visits outside of Canada, with mixed findings. This literature includes the implementation of an after-hours clinic or cooperative (Buckley, Curtis, and McGirr 2010; Pickin et al. 2004), the extension of primary care practice opening hours (Dolton and Pathania 2016; Harris, Patel, and Bowen 2011; Lippi Bruni, Mammi, and Ugolini 2016; Lowe et al. 2005), the reorganization of after-hours care (van Uden and Crebolder 2004; van Uden et al. 2005), and after-hours financial incentives (Franco, Mitchell, and Buzon 1997; Piehl, Clemens, and Joines 2000). This literature guides our choice of variables in the analyses.
At least two reasons explain why increased after-hours services may not unambiguously reduce ED visits: first, ED visits would fall only if patients have conditions that are otherwise treatable by primary care physicians; no amount of after-hours care would reduce visits to the ED for patients with the most urgent needs. Second, although ED visits may fall because of increased after-hours services, they may rise if regular-hours services are reduced.
We use a rich longitudinal data set that allows us to control otherwise unobserved heterogeneity and to exploit exogenous variation in the strength of after-hours incentives, which helps to establish the impact of these incentives on ED visits. The large number of physicians in this data set also allows us to estimate this impact by different subgroups of physicians, such as those with sicker patients. As expected, regular- and after-hours services move in opposite directions in response to stronger after-hours incentives. We find that after-hours services reduce less urgent ED visits. Most less urgent ED reductions come from practices with below-median co-morbidity, suggesting that after-hours incentives reduce ED visits by healthier patients, allowing more time for more urgent visits.
Data and Variables
Several administrative databases held at the Institute for Clinical Evaluative Sciences provide the data for this study. The Physician Database contains characteristics of primary care physicians; the Corporate Provider Database provides physicians’ model type, effective date of eligibility for billing under the Ontario Health Insurance Plan (OHIP; the public insurer/payer), and physician group size. The Client Agency Program Enrollment Database allows us to match physicians with enrolled patients. If a physician was affiliated with more than one practice type, the most recent one joined was selected. Only physicians who put in a claim for after-hours incentives to the public insurer (OHIP) are included in our sample.
1 The billing codes eligible for the after-hours premium correspond to fairly basic services that most physicians provide, such as minor assessments, primary mental health care, counseling, and annual physical examinations. Knowing this, we expected an appreciable effect of premium changes on ED utilization. We exclude part-time physicians, defined as having fewer than 500 patients or 500 visits in any given year. We focus on data spanning 2003–2007, with 1,321 unique physicians and 6,605 physician-year observations comprising the balanced panel we use for our analysis.
2Patient visits to a physician were identified through OHIP billing claims. For each physician, total annual office visits were derived as the sum of patient visits.
3 The total number of annual office visits minus the total number of annual after-hours visits defines regular visits for each physician. Group size sums up the number of primary care physicians with the same group number.
ED visits come from the National Ambulatory Care Reporting System, which classifies them into urgent and non-urgent on the basis of the Canadian Triage and Acuity Scale (CTAS) (Beveridge, Clarke, and Janes 1999). A triage level of 1 (resuscitation), 2 (emergent), or 3 (urgent) is urgent, and a level of 4 (less urgent/semi-urgent) or 5 (non-urgent) was not; we aggregate these into three mutually exclusive categories, where Group 1 (very urgent) contains ED visits with a CTAS score of 1 or 2, Group 2 (urgent) contains ED visits with a CTAS score of 3, and Group 3 (less urgent) contains ED visits with a CTAS score of 4 or 5.
4 The Aggregated Diagnosis Group (ADG) reflecting the health status of each patient is based on the patient’s diagnosis codes from the hospital Discharge Abstract Database and OHIP, using the Johns Hopkins Adjusted Clinical Group case-mix adjustment system. There are 32 diagnosis groups, which we sum so that each patient has a score between 1 and 32. We calculate the average ADG for each physician’s patients.
Ontario’s health registry database (the Registered Persons Database) provides patients’ age, sex, and postal codes, which we use to obtain deprivation and rurality indices around the patient’s residence (census dissemination area). The deprivation index is organized into quintiles, where 1 is least marginalized and 5 is most marginalized—our measure is the percentage of physician’s patients from the fourth and fifth quintiles (i.e., the most deprived areas)—and individuals with a rurality index of 40 or higher are considered to reside in rural areas (Kralj 2000; Matheson et al. 2012).
5Table 1 reports descriptive statistics of regular-hours, after-hours, and ED utilization by year. Between 2003 and 2007, the number of regular-hours visits per 1,000 patients decreased; after-hours visits per 1,000 patients increased and then fell near the end. Correspondingly, total costs per 1,000 patients decreased substantially, even though after-hours costs almost doubled.
6 During the same period, the number of very urgent ED visits increased, urgent ED visits increased sharply initially and then stayed roughly constant, and less urgent ED visits also increased sharply and then gradually decreased.
Table 2 presents statistics pooled over the sample period and shows that after-hours visits make up about 11 percent of physicians’ total visits on average.
Empirical Framework
The net effect of increasing the after-hours premium on ED visits is ambiguous. We start by estimating the regression
7where
µit can be total, less urgent, urgent, or very urgent ED visits per 1,000 patients for physician
i in year
t;
πt is the after-hours premium in year
t;
Zit includes a time trend, physician’s age, physician’s age squared, proportion of female physicians and foreign graduates in the physician’s practice, group size, average age of patients, average ADG score of patients, proportion of patients living in deprived areas, and proportion of patients living in rural areas; and
represents the error term. We estimate the regression using both Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) and physician fixed effects (FE), which means the error term may include a FE component for the physician. However, the net effect of increasing the after-hours premium on overall costs may be ambiguous, even if less urgent ED visits decrease as a result of the after-hours premium increase. We thus re-estimate the model using total costs as the dependent variable.
To examine how physician behaviour is affected by incentivizing after-hours access, we estimate a model of services provided by physician
i during year
t (using OLS and physician FE):
where
xit can be either regular- or after-hours services (analyzed separately), measured by either visits per 1,000 patients or (deflated) costs per 1,000 patients (i.e., the value of services in 2004 prices);
πt is the premium level in year
t;
Zit contains the variables from
Equation (1); and
represents the error term, which may include a FE component for the physician. Because FFS physicians do not receive after-hours premiums, we focus our analysis on physicians who have switched into a scheme that incentivizes after-hours services (recall that we restrict our analysis to go through 2007, before the large transition to FHO occurred).
Next, we estimate how ED visits vary with respect to the value of after-hours services in 2004 prices, using the regression model (estimated using OLS and physician FE)
where
µit can be total, less urgent, urgent, or very urgent ED visits per 1,000 patients for physician
i in year
t;
xit represents the value of after-hours services in 2004 prices;
Zit contains the variables from
Equation (1); and
represents the error term, which may include an FE component for the physician. One might wonder whether physicians would engage in “gaming” in response to the financial incentives. They could, for instance, encourage their patients to come during after hours in order to gain the premium. If all changes in after-hours services were driven by gaming behaviour there would be no change in the provision of primary care and, thus, no effect on ED visits. Our empirical approach takes into account this potential for gaming, as we estimate the net effect of premium increases on ED utilization. Evidence of an effect of after-hours premium increases on ED visits would suggest such gaming is not the dominant force at play. From a practical perspective, however, the regulatory framework affords very limited scope for gaming. Physicians are required to post their after-hours availability to patients, and the incentives are applicable only to enrolled patients seen during posted after-hours sessions. Physicians are free to provide services to non-enrolled patients but these are not eligible for after-hours incentives.
Concluding Remarks
Our results show that the after-hours incentive in Ontario’s primary care setting resulted in more patients with less urgent needs seeing their family physicians, reducing less urgent ED visits. Our article has several strengths. We provide empirical evidence using novel health administrative data from Ontario that after-hours incentives reduce ED visits. Moreover, we are able to investigate the impact of after-hours incentives on ED utilization at the intensive margin. We uncover evidence that after-hours incentives reduce less urgent ED utilization, stemming largely from practices with healthier patients rather than from those with sicker ones.
We noted earlier that, although we have data for 2003–2013, we focus our analysis on 2003–2007. In addition to an increase in the after-hours premium from 20 percent to 30 percent, several additional changes occurred in the institutional environment from 2008 to 2013, including the introduction of additional pay-for-performance incentives and the switch of many physicians to FHO and team settings, which was found to reduce services in FHO baskets (Zhang and Sweetman 2018). We conducted a robustness analysis covering this later period and found several qualitatively similar results, which we present in the Online Appendix. Briefly, similar to the 2003–2007 period, online Appendix Table A.1 shows that increases in the premium are associated with statistically significant reductions in less urgent ED visits (specifications [2] and [6]). Online Appendix Table A.2 shows that there are significant reductions in regular visits and costs (specifications [3] and [4]), although Specifications (1) and (2) do not show significant increases in after-hours services, as measured by either visits or costs. The within-physician (FE) estimates presented in the second row of online Appendix Table A.3 show that increases in after-hours services reduce less urgent ED visits (Specification [2]), similar to the results from 2003–2007. Finally, similar to our results from 2003–2007, online Appendix Table A.4 shows significant reductions in ED costs associated with less urgent visits (specification [2]).
One interesting direction for future work concerns the after-hours premium itself. For example, a constant after-hours premium may not be the most cost effective, and one that differs with disease severity may lead to further health system savings. Examining the optimal non-linear incentive structure would be fruitful. Another point for future research is whether after-hours incentives work differently in retrospective and perspective payment systems. Finally, it would be useful and pertinent to examine the extent to which these reforms resulted in more individuals finding a regular family doctor—potentially reducing their reliance on ED visits.
Like other studies using administrative data, we are limited as to the variables available for empirical analyses. The lack of socio-economic information on physicians and their patients, including information on family income, constrains the work. Such data would enhance future research in this area.
Acknowledgements
An earlier version of this article was presented at the 49th Annual Conference of the Canadian Economics Association, the 16th Annual Canadian Health Economists’ Study Group meeting, and the 2017 International Health Economics Association Congress, and we are grateful for various comments of participants and discussants. Two anonymous referees provided many useful suggestions. We thank Alex Kopp, Sue Schultz, Rick Glazier, Salimah Shariff, and Amit Garg at the Institute for Clinical Evaluative Sciences (ICES) for help in moving forward with the ICES data. Funding for this research by the Canadian Institutes of Health Research operating grant (MOP–130354) is gratefully acknowledged. This study was undertaken at the ICES Western site. ICES is funded by an annual grant from the Ontario Ministry of Health and Long-Term Care (MOHLTC). Core funding for ICES Western is provided by the Academic Medical Organization of Southwestern Ontario (AMOSO), the Schulich School of Medicine and Dentistry (SSMD), Western University, and the Lawson Health Research Institute (LHRI). The opinions, results, and conclusions are those of the authors and are independent from the funding sources. No endorsement by ICES, AMOSO, SSMD, LHRI, Canadian Institutes of Health Research, or the MOHLTC is intended or should be inferred.